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August 7th, 2019 12:28:56 pm

Depression, Shame, and Projects of Collective Healing

A Disability Justice Approach to Trauma

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Abstract

To be a member of a marginalized social group is to face differential risk of traumatizing experiences. I understand trauma as overwhelming experiences comprising discrete events, ongoing patterns of physical and/or emotional abuse, or “micro-insults and micro-injuries” that impose a “cumulative lifetime burden” (Duffy). Using Bartky’s recognition of certain emotional states as “primordial disclosure,” I explore the constellation of trauma, shame, and depression as “public feelings” (Burns; Cvetkovich), and examine social movements as collective responses to trauma which generate important insights for social justice and healing. Mainstream notions of depression (trauma-based or not) frame it as chemical imbalance or brain dysfunction, bracketing social dynamics as extraneous. Critical psychology, however, views these social dynamics as intrinsic to the mechanisms of PTSD and trauma-based depression (Cromby). However, given systemic inequality, mental health can only be fully conceptualized and addressed “in relation to movements” (Barlow). I apply these critiques of mainstream psychology and psychiatry in exploring the societal influences on subjectivity underlying trauma-based shame and depression. Next, I consider examples from social movements within the last fifty years in the US, including pioneering feminist philosophy, the Movement for Black Lives, #MeToo, and Disability Justice (led by queer and disabled people of color with disabilities and chronic illnesses, many identifying with “crip,” a self-proclaimed non-assimilationist identity and culture). These projects embody both an an ethic of interdependence, challenging the radical isolation imposed by differential shame and providing avenues for individual and collective agency.

The novel Milkman by Anna Burns (born in Belfast, Northern Ireland) features a narrator known as “middle sister” navigating the pleasures and travails of young womanhood in a 1970s context of “political problems” and “sorrows.” The local gossip is almost as threatening as the political violence. “Middle sister’s” matter-of-fact references to her two older brothers who haven’t been seen in years, and her mother’s warnings about what would follow the “fun” of “paramilitary nightlife,” speak volumes of communal trauma.(1) And where there’s trauma, shame often follows, as “middle sister” eloquently conveys, reflecting that shame “was such a complex, involved, very advanced feeling, most people here did all kinds of permutations in order not to have it: killing people, doing verbal damage to people, doing mental damage to people and, not least, also not infrequently, doing those things to oneself.”(2)

In Milkman, shame is political (and not only due to overt political violence). As Burns captures so well, shame—rather than a transitory feeling—is often a form of suffering “rooted outside, not inside, our skins.”(3) In this way shame can pervade to color the feeling tone of an entire setting, encompassing relationships and interactions therein.

I aim to contribute to a social-justice based “reconstruction of knowledge”(4) through exploring the constellation of trauma, shame, and depression as “public feelings”(5) with implications for collective pursuits of justice and healing. How does shame operate in the context of social group oppression? If shame, as is frequently observed, isolates an individual, how can collective efforts use solidarity  to combat isolation and promote agency? Using an intersectional approach, I explore these questions by examining specific practices and conceptual frameworks of social justice projects exemplifying an ethic of interdependence: the Movement for Black Lives, and Disability Justice. Jameta Nicole Barlow notes that while “many social activists have appealed to the effects of grassroots movement work on their personal health,” more systematic discussions are needed of relationships between mental health and social justice movements.(6)

First, I explore the societal construction of subjectivity underlying shame and depression using 1) Sandra Lee Bartky’s account of education as a site of shame for women and girls, and 2) critical psychology work on social interactions as mechanisms for transmitting shame, imposing significant risk of depression, especially for members of oppressed groups. Next, I consider how the Movement for Black Lives (MBL) and Disability Justice (a movement led by queer and disabled people of color with disabilities and chronic illnesses) exemplify both an ethic and a politics of interdependence that challenges the radical isolation imposed by trauma-based shame, and provide avenues for individual and collective agency in the wake of shame. Disability justice perspectives also raise provocative questions on both the limits and goals of treatments, as well as the meanings of healing, with important implications for understanding trauma survivor experiences. Disability justice also challenges privileged academics and academics to move carefully in these worlds.

SHAME AND DEPRESSION: EMOTIONS DISCLOSING SELF AND WORLD

Like “middle sister’s” community, many social groups are chronically subjected to what philosopher Debra Bergoffen characterizes as “debilitating shame—a self-destructive form of shame that, unlike the episodic shame depicted by Sartre forms the horizon of a person’s life.”(7) This “debilitating shame” is also distinct from shame as necessary recognition of wrongness or injustice in which one is somehow implicated or situated. Philosopher Chris Lebron signals the importance of this function, recalling Frederick Douglass’s 1852 message to the nation that “Americans should feel shame for slavery, given [our] country’s foundational commitment to liberty and the pursuit of happiness. We were failing our own ideals.”(8) 

Rather than a spur to moral re-assessment and action, however, for many trauma survivors shame is purely corrosive, often manifesting as depression, which can be both a consequence of trauma and a risk factor for it.(9) The shaming of marginalized groups—including “micro-insults and micro-injuries” imposing a “cumulative lifetime burden”(10)—is itself a form of trauma. Members of marginalized groups also face a disproportionate risk of acute trauma, presenting a significant cumulative risk for depression(11) and other mental health concerns.

As Bartky writes in “Shame and Gender” (1990), contemporary philosophy recognizes that emotional states can be “ontologically disclosive in ways that a passionless pure beholding can never be”—they “constitute a primordial disclosure of self and world.”(12) “The search for a feminist reconstruction of knowledge,” she continues, “must be augmented by a study of the most pervasive patterns of gendered emotion” as they reveal the lived experience of oppression.(13) 

Bartky explores higher learning as a site producing, and reinforcing other experiences of, shame in women’s lives,(14) describing a gendered pattern she began noticing in her own classroom (conveyed, as in most feminist work of the time, in binary terms of male and female). Women spoke less often and less confidently than the men, and would often also apologize for their work when they approached her desk to submit a paper, “typically […] delivering the apology with head bowed, chest hollowed, and shoulders hunched slightly forward,” while “the male students would stride over to the desk and put their papers down without comment.”(15) Initially puzzled to see these scenes enacted again and again, Bartky began to understand her female students as engaging in “rituals of self-shaming undertaken in order to bear more easily a shaming they anticipated” from her as an authority figure.(16)

Bartky describes the “primordial structure of shame” as “being ashamed of oneself before the Other”—the identity of whom “will be hugely overdetermined, for women in a sexist society are subjected to demeaning treatment by a variety of Others.”(17) Bartky cites extensive research “detail[ing] the many ways in which the classroom climate at all educational levels may produce a diminished sense of self in girls and women.”(18)

Shame, Bartky writes, “‘shatter[s] trust in oneself, even in one’s own body and skill and identity.’”(19) She concludes that women are often “made to feel shame in the major sites of social life. […] In the act of being shamed and in the feeling ashamed [it is] disclosed to women who they are and how they are faring within the domains they inhabit.”(20) Though these disclosures may sometimes be “ambiguous and oblique,” the consequences for women are devastating.(21)

Even if educational settings may have shown some gains in this respect over the decades since Bartky’s analysis emerged, the 2016 Trump Access Hollywood video reflects a social climate in which gendered shame remains rampant. Author Kelly Oxford responded with the #NotOkay Twitter thread inviting survivors to share their assault stories, and thousands did. Analyzing #NotOkay, Shari J. Stenberg finds that “the female body” remains “a target of group shaming,” in ways that are “doubly loaded for women of color.”(22) 

A remaining task for feminist analysis and prevention work is to consistently move beyond a tacitly cisgender male aggressor/female victim scenario, in order to cease contributing to the shame of male, transgender-identified, and nonbinary survivors whose trauma is ignored in this over-simplified paradigm, and to advance a more comprehensive, accurate feminist analysis and agenda.(23) 

SOCIAL GROUPS, SHAME, “SCRIPTS,” AND DEPRESSION

Critical psychology scholar John Cromby demonstrates how societal interactions heighten the risk of depression for marginalized groups. In his assessment, “evidence for a causal organic basis for depression predicated upon particular dysfunctions or organic pathologies is confused, uncertain, and on balance largely inconclusive.”(24) He instead explores how individual subjectivity reveals “issues of power” in depression.(25) This “alternative account of depression” considers it “a form of distress characterised predominantly by profound and enduring unhappiness.”(26)

This distress indicates “societal origins”: “depression and social inequality are associated, and […] causation flows from the societal to the individual, from the direction of socio-cultural structures, organisations and practices to the so-called symptoms of individuals.”(27) I briefly sketch Cromby’s understanding of the main elements of subjectivity, then turn to his account of routinized “scripts” that (like Bartky’s students’ apologies) become activated in societal interactions, in ways that serve to maintain dominance and inequality.

Because “we’re living in a material world,”(28) Cromby traces how “the material resources available to each individual according to their societal location” constitute one element of subjectivity.(29) “The range of options open to an individual,” or their “subjective possibility space,” varies between persons “because material resources are unevenly distributed,” reflecting “patterns of inequality.”(30) Subjectivity also entails our experience as embodied beings. We often experience emotional states physically, such as feeling emotional tension through muscle tension, or disgust as nausea—states which can “get reconstituted to inform decision making as feelings, somatic markers which stamp putative options with valences.”(31)

Along with material resources and embodied emotive repertoires, Cromby points to societal discourse influencing individual subjectivity through perceptions and associations repeatedly expressed in our environments. The impact is heightened in seemingly mundane “transactions” with others that become routinized as “scripts,” typical patterns of talking and relating.(32)

Through their repetition, these “transactional scripts” constitute one means of societal production of depression. Rather than spontaneous responses, such transactions between individuals become routinized over time, positioning the speakers in hierarchical relations with others, with each party positioned as more or less capable, more or less powerful, or more or less worthy in relation to the other. People repeatedly positioned in a lower status come to internalize these experiences of relative powerlessness (“however unwittingly”), which then tend to be reinforced through “responses from others that accord with” this positioning, heightening over time “the salience of the ‘powerless’ mode of relating and being.’”(33) Through these transactions, power can take on a “hyper-relevance” for those routinely positioned in any of these ways.(34) 

These scripts are especially critical for stigmatized groups. An “apologetic” script hailing one as less worthy clearly reflects the gendered patterns in the classroom described by Bartky. Such patterns can cause profound distress to individuals; when they become routinized in a person’s life, Cromby argues, they engender depression; thus, reducing depression to a chemical/organic state overlooks broad patterns of societal influence, while failing to discern varying forms of suffering requiring varied responses. Though Cromby does not address the role of shame in these processes, they bear striking similarity to those Bartky outlines in analyzing gendered shame.

Philosopher Luna Dolezal and bioethicist Barry Lyons do highlight the role of shame as precursor to depression, especially chronic shame, which they note “can arise through […] childhood relational trauma,” “minority stigma,” or “post-traumatic stress disorder.”(35) Their account of socially occasioned depression draws on four behavioral responses to the crisis of being shamed, or anticipating shame(36): attack others, or attack oneself (via self-blame or self-harm). Or one withdraw from others, or else avoid feeling shame (through denial, addictions and substance abuse, thrill seeking and other distractions). Recall Milkman’s narrator “middle sister” bearing witness to her neighbors “killing people, doing verbal damage to people, doing mental damage to people and, not least, also not infrequently, doing those things to oneself” in their attempts to dodge the shame of political subjugation.(37)

In Dolezal and Lyons’ review of chronic shame research, “withdrawal and avoidance scripts mean that chronic shame commonly leads to states such as stress and anxiety or depression, where an individual may not even be aware that they are experiencing shame” because it is intolerable to admit into consciousness.(38) In the case of “minority stigma,”  “a salient aspect of one’s identity—such as gender, health status, disability, race, sexuality, weight or ethnicity—is stigmatised” due to “cultural politics of inclusion and exclusion.”(39) “Minority stress,” they note, “is directly correlated to the experience of chronic shame.”(40)

A clear physiological pathway from shame to depression has been identified: “An increase in what has been termed ‘social-evaluative threat’, or threats to self-esteem or social status, directly correlate with increased anxiety and heightened biological stress responses” including the release of stress hormones and other chemicals into the bloodstream.(41) Releasing these substances into “‘healthy’ volunteers produces self-reported feelings of depression and isolation.”(42) 

Though shame and depression must not be reduced to chemistry, this physiological process suggests a remarkable correlation with the felt bodily sense of the “transactions” that Cromby describes, in ways that I see as revealing the traces of shame. The chronic, debilitating shame in Milkman and in the lives of traumatized or oppressed people more generally (such as Bartky’s apologetic students) is significant; chronic shame can “persistently alte[r]” levels of these substances in the bloodstream,(43) increasing depression among these groups, reflecting the lived experience of oppression.

“HEALING PRAXIS”(44) AND THE MOVEMENT FOR BLACK LIVES

In 2013, in response to police killings of Black people across the US, Patrisse Cullors, Alicia Garza, and Opal Tometti co-founded the Black Lives Matter network that eventually became The Movement for Black Lives coalition (MBL). However, as MBL states:

Neither our grievances nor our solutions are limited to the police killing of our people. State violence takes many forms – it includes the systemic underinvestment in our communities, the caging of our people, predatory state and corporate practices targeting our neighborhoods, government policies that result in the poisoning of our water and the theft of our land, failing schools that criminalize rather than educate our children, economic practices that extract our labor, and wars on our Trans and Queer family that deny them their humanity.(45)

MBL attests powerfully to both the traumatic consequences of structural violence in the form of anti-Black racism, and resilience in the form of resistance and solidarity.

Following Hurricane Katrina,(46) Cara Page and other “queer and trans Black, Indigenous, and People of color” created the Healing Justice framework(47) which MBL would embrace as “the texture, the experience and the vision that guides us.”(48) Prentis Hemphill, Black Lives Matter’s Director of Healing Justice, states, “The work for our freedom exists in our organizing, especially organizing against institutions that harm and traumatize. It has also meant that the work of freedom happens between us in how we heal, how we care for one another, how we move through conflict, and how we build the skills to create a culture that liberates.”(49)

Or as Cara Page stated at the 2010 United States Social Forum, “Our movements themselves need to be healing, or there is no point to them.”(50)

Community health psychologist and public health scholar Jameta Nicole Barlow’s account of a student-organized retreat demonstrates how collective action can incorporate emotional healing into social justice work. Laying out the “structural determinants of health” that impact Black people and the intersectional burdens imposed on Black women, Barlow contextualizes the Movement for Black Lives as a response both to current manifestations of anti-Black racism and to legacies of “‘intergenerational gendered racialized trauma.’”(51) 

The Ujima Black Solidarity Retreat for Black college student leaders of “Black organizations at a predominantly white institution in the state of Maryland” occurred in 2016, following the killing of Freddie Gray in Baltimore.(52) “Student protests,” Barlow notes, “were rampant. People were organizing, and for many, layers upon layers of trauma were emerging. It became apparent [at the retreat] that students needed the tools and space in which to unpack the emergent trauma.”(53) Barlow situates these events within the historic context of white elite operations in Maryland resulting in structural barriers that led to physical health disparities, severely undermining the mental health and well-being of Black people.(54)

The students organizing the retreat had asked Barlow to facilitate a “healing circle” for the group. To do so, she utilized “Emotional Emancipation Circles” (EECs), a framework created by Black psychologists. Barlow describes the EECs as “evidence-based” and “culturally congruent in their strengths-based approach,” using “learning modules…dedicated to African culture, history and movements, and imperatives and ethics” while offering students “an opportunity to unpack personal stories and to begin to address the root issues of healing Black communities.”(55) Student concerns included “institutional change […] on campus,” “colorism, […] thriving in the classroom, and managing challenges at home while in college.”(56)  Through sharing and nonjudgmental listening, they began to “uncover the gendered ways and multiple jeopardy inherent within Black experiences.”(57)

After participating in this challenging process, Barlow concludes, “EECs, or similar social support circles, are necessary spaces for Black liberation, mental health, and well-being”(58): “healing praxis is the critical matter for Black lives.”(59)

DISABILITY JUSTICE, LIBERATION, AND HEALING

Since healing, like suffering, is an embodied process, it requires recognizing and responding to bodymind variation and vulnerability as a crucial practice of inclusion. Able-bodiedness and mental ability, as disability culture recognizes, are temporary conditions; anyone can become disabled in a heartbeat, and some degree of disability is common as we age. As philosopher Susan Wendell observes, “The oppression of disabled people is the oppression of everyone’s real body.”(60) Thus, disability justice activists bring an anti-ableist commitment to intersectional anti-violence efforts and social justice more broadly: healing justice requires disability justice, which includes basic considerations such accessibility provisions for events and spaces, but also raises critical questions regarding how ableist notions of productivity, bodily norms, and self-care influence social justice movement practices.(61)

Leah Lakshmi Piepzna-Samarasinha articulates disability justice work as predicated less on mainstream notions of disability and more on 1) an expansive notion of disability encompassing a broad range of conditions beyond motor impairments and sensory disabilities, and 2) an expansive notion of disability politics interwoven with anti-racist, anti-colonialist, LGBTQ-affirming, and other liberation struggles. Her examples of this vision include “the chronic illness and disability stories of second-wave queer feminists of color […] who mostly never used the term ‘disabled’ to refer to themselves.”(62)

The disability justice performance group Sins Invalid rejects “independence” as an individualist legacy of “the massive colonial project of Western European expansion,” while framing the contrasting notion of interdependence as a core disability justice principle of “attempt[ing] to meet each other’s needs as we build toward liberation”(63): “‘we move together, with no body left behind.’”(64) Thus, Sins Invalid frames liberation as “collective,” “an honoring of the long-standing legacies of resilience and resistance which are the inheritance of all of us whose bodies or minds will not yet conform”—“a movement towards a world in which every body and mind is known as beautiful.”(65)

These principles are evident in “crip” rejection of normalcy as the basis of personhood and inclusion. Piepzna-Samarsinha writes: “Mainstream ideas of ‘healing’ deeply believe in ableist ideas that you’re either sick or well, fixed or broken, and that nobody would want to be in a disabled or sick or mad bodymind.”(66) Healing justice, much like the Emotional Emancipation Circles Barlow describes, integrates healing spaces into the larger settings of disability activism as intrinsic to the work. Piepzna-Samarasinha contends, “healing justice must centralize anti-ableism as a central tenet of  the work we do, centering crip ideas of what illness and disability are, as well as honoring disabled and sick and mad people’s autonomy and wisdom, and centralizing accessibility in a broad sense […] as a central part of how we heal, not an add-on or afterthought.”(67)

Piepzna-Samarsinha emphasizes, “We remake ideas of healing away from being fixed and towards being autonomously and beautifully imperfect.”(68) This recognition has much to offer for the specific context of healing from trauma-induced shame and depression, which is not likely to be a straightforward linear process, nor to conform readily to medicalized models of “cure” or “treatment.”

CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS

These issues require ongoing conversation, including questions of privilege, allyship, and the risk of appropriation, such as: how academics and activists can seek to rectify imbalances in the socially accorded status and authority of knowledge production associated with each role; the need for caution and reflection when taking up practices outside our own cultural traditions;(69) and how we might pursue inclusiveness in both academic and activist spaces, events, processes, and products. Investigations are also needed of the complex shame of being both a trauma survivor and a member of an oppressing group, compounding the immobilizing influence of each experience or identity. Moreover, research on social “transactions” triggering shame and depression focus heavily on the victimized party; research is needed on whether such transactions contribute to an oppressive status quo through effects on those positioned as superior. Ongoing work on the role of shame in educational settings is needed to address gendered, racialized, ability/disability, and sexual and “socioeconomic diversity” dynamics of classrooms and campuses.(70) 

I’ve taken up critical psychology, bioethics, and public health work to sketch the processes by which trauma induces shame and depression; Healing Justice, the Movement for Black Lives, and other feminist accounts reveal the lived experience of these processes, and their societal impact as a matter of justice. Disability justice offers an understanding of healing as provisional and ongoing, valuing outcomes that depart from, or stop short of, those typically considered ideal—an outlook with much to offer everyone with “real bodies.”(71) Together, these perspectives demonstrate the value of academic/activist interfaces in communalizing trauma, and for addressing the crisis of depression and shame as an imperative for public health and social change. The movements analyzed here offer an ethic of interdependence that fosters connection in the wake of radical isolation, and instructive possibilities for individual and collective agency.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am greatly indebted to Melissa Burchard, for her profound and moving work on trauma, for instigating both the 2019 Philosophical Engagements with Trauma conference and the special issue in which this article appears, and for suggesting I take up the questions explored here; to Peg O’Connor and other attendees of the trauma conference for their insightful comments on an earlier version of this paper; to Pat McGann and Cynthia Newcomer for generously providing feedback and posing vital questions; and to reviewers of this journal for their useful suggestions that helped to improve this piece.                        

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Footnotes

  1.  Anna Burns, Milkman (Minneapolis: Graywolf Press, 2018), 50.
  2.  Burns, 53.
  3.  Don Sabo, “Pigskin, patriarchy and pain” (in Sex. Violence & Power in Sports: Rethinking Masculinity, edited by Don Sabo and Michael Messner, 82-88, California: The Crossing Press, 1989), 84.
  4.  Sandra Lee Bartky, Femininity and Domination (New York: Routledge, 1990), 83.
  5.  Burns ?, “public feelings” Cvetkovich et al
  6. Jameta Nicole Barlow, “Restoring Optimal Black Mental Health and Reversing Intergenerational Trauma in an Era of Black Lives Matter” (Biography 41, no. 4 (2018)), 897.
  7.  Debra Bergoffen. “The Misogynous Politics of Shame” (Humanities 7, 3 (2018) doi:10.3390/h7030081), 5.
  8.  Chris Lebron, “Who First Showed Us that Black Lives Matter?” (The Stone, New York Times, 5 Feb. 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2018/02/05/opinion/black-lives-matter-philosophy.html )
  9.  National Institute of Mental Health, “Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder” (National Institute of Mental Health, Feb. 2016. https://www.nimh.nih.gov/health/topics/post-traumatic-stress-disorder-ptsd/index.shtml#part_145372 Accessed 19 Mar., 2019).
  10.  Maureen Duffy, “The Body, Trauma, and Narrative Approaches to Healing” (in Discursive Perspectives in Therapeutic Practice, edited by Andy Lock and Tom Strong, Oxford University Press, 2012), 272.
  11.  See also Abby Wilkerson, “Wandering in the Unhomelike: Chronic Depression, Inequality, and the Recovery Imperative” (Feminist Phenomenology and Medicine, edited by Kristin Zeiler and Lisa Kall. Albany: SUNY Press, 2014, 285-303).
  12.  Sandra Lee Bartky, Femininity and Domination (New York: Routledge, 1990), 83.
  13.  Bartky, 84
  14.  Bartky’s Femininity and Domination contributes to the collective activist project of the first generation of feminist philosophers, providing tools for students like myself and my peers to better understand the contradictions in our experiences, to identify our own contributions to this burgeoning new field, and to seek opportunities for agency inside the academy and beyond. It was clear from stories these pioneering feminist philosophers told, and stories they talked around, that the collective count of insults and injuries experienced as they forged a path was considerable.
  15.  Bartky, 89.
  16.  Bartky, 89.
  17.  Bartky, 90.
  18.  Bartky, 90.
  19.  Bartky, 86.
  20.  Bartky, 93.
  21.  Bartky, 93.
  22.  Shari J. Stenberg, “’Tweet Me Your First Assaults’: Writing Shame and the Rhetorical Work of #NotOkay” (Rhetoric Society Quarterly 48, no. 2 (2018)), 123.
  23.  Cite Wilkerson 2019
  24.  John Cromby, “Depression: Embodying Social Inequality” (Journal of Critical Psychology, Counselling, and Psychotherapy 4, no. 3 (2004)), 177.
  25.  Cromby, 176.
  26.  Cromby, 177.
  27.  Cromby, 177.
  28.  Thanks, Madonna.
  29.  John Cromby, “Depression: Embodying Social Inequality” (Journal of Critical Psychology, Counselling, and Psychotherapy 4, no. 3 (2004)), 179.
  30.  Cromby, 179-80.
  31.  Cromby, 180.
  32.  Cromby, 177.
  33.  Cromby, 182-83.
  34.  While Cromby focuses only on the meanings and effects of these scripts on those positioned as powerless or inferior, this framework may suggest compelling reasons for why those positioned as superior might sometimes find themselves repeating the pattern as a means of defending this status (whether consciously or not). This could help to explain the pattern’s persistence despite its toxicity for those in the putatively inferior position (indeed, for both parties). Studies of masculinity and of whiteness that emerged after Cromby’s article indicate both the salience and persistence of such defensiveness even in the presence of internal conflicts related to status.
  35.  Luna Dolezal and Barry Lyons, “Health-related shame: an affective determinant of health?” (Medical Humanities 43, no. 4 (2017)) http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/medhum-2017-011186. Accessed 15 Mar., 2019), 259.
  36.  Dolezal and Lyons, 258.
  37.  Anna Burns, Milkman (Minneapolis: Graywolf Press, 2018),  53
  38.  Dolezal and Lyons, 259.
  39.  Dolezal and Lyons, 259.
  40.  Dolezal and Lyons, 260.
  41.  Dolezal and Lyons, 260.
  42.  Dolezal and Lyons, 260.
  43.  Dolezal and Lyons, 260.
  44.  Jameta Nicole Barlow, “Restoring Optimal Black Mental Health and Reversing Intergenerational Trauma in an Era of Black Lives Matter” (Biography 41, no. 4 (2018)), 900.
  45.  The Movement for Black Lives, “About Us” (The Movement for Black Lives, n.d. https://policy.m4bl.org/about/).
  46.  Healing Collective Trauma, n.d., http://www.healingcollectivetrauma.com/kindred-collective-wellness-within-liberation.html 
  47.  Piepzna-Samarasinha Piepzna-Samarasinha, Leah Lakshimi. Care Work: Dreaming Disability Justice. Vancouver: Arsenal Pulp Press, 2018) 98
  48.  Prentis Hemphill, “Healing Justice Is How We Can Sustain Black Lives” (Huffpost, 7 Feb. 2017,
  49.  Prentis Hemphill, “Healing Justice as a Framework” (Celebrating Four Years of Organizing to Protect Black Lives, 2017, Ed. Black Lives Matter, https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B0pJEXffvS0uOHdJREJnZ2JJYTA/view), 14.
  50.  Leah Lakshimi Piepzna-Samarasinha, Care Work: Dreaming Disability Justice (Vancouver: Arsenal Pulp Press, 2018), 100.
  51.  Jameta Nicole Barlow, “Restoring Optimal Black Mental Health and Reversing Intergenerational Trauma in an Era of Black Lives Matter” (Biography 41, no. 4 (2018)), 896.
  52.  Piepzna-Samarasinha, 898.
  53.  Piepzna-Samarasinha, 898.
  54.  Piepzna-Samarasinha, 899-99.
  55.  Piepzna-Samarasinha, 900.
  56.  Piepzna-Samarasinha, 901.
  57.  Piepzna-Samarasinha, 904.
  58.  Piepzna-Samarasinha, 901.
  59.  Piepzna-Samarasinha, 900.
  60.  Susan Wendell, “Toward a Feminist Theory of Disability” (Hypatia 4, no. 2 (1989)), 112.
  61.  Patty Berne, Sins Invalid https://www.conspireforchange.org/?p=2736 )
  62.  Piepzna-Samarasinha Piepzna-Samarasinha, Leah Lakshimi. Care Work: Dreaming Disability Justice. Vancouver: Arsenal Pulp Press, 2018. 23
  63.  Leah Lakshimi Piepzna-Samarasinha, Care Work: Dreaming Disability Justice (Vancouver: Arsenal Pulp Press, 2018), 28.
  64.  Piepzna-Samarasinha 23.
  65.  Qtd. In Piepzna-Samarasinha, 29.
  66.  Piepzna-Samarasinha 103.
  67.  Piepzna-Samarasinha 104.
  68.  Piepzna-Samarasinha 104.
  69.  Piepzna-Samarasinha critiques appropriation of the “healing justice” concept for alternative healing spaces by progressive white people with class privilege who have failed to promote accessibility or acknowledge that it was queer disabled people of color who created this framework (105-109).
  70.  See, for example, Shannon Andrus, Charlotte Jacobs, and Peter Kuriloff, “Miles to go: The continuing quest for gender equity in the classroom” (Phi Delta Kappan 110, no. 2 (2018): 46-50, https://www.kappanonline.org/andrus-jacobs-kuriloff-gender-equity-classroom/); Jessica Belue Buckley and Julie J. Park, "’When You Don't Really Focus on It’: Campus Climate for Social Class Diversity and Identity Awareness” (Journal of College Student Development 60, no. 3 (2019): 271-289, 10.1353/csd.2019.00262019 https://muse.jhu.edu/article/726903/summary); Jason C. Garvey, Jason L. Taylor, and Susan Rankin, “An Examination of Campus Climate for LGBTQ Community College Students” (Community College Journal of Research and Practice, 39, no. 6 (2015): 527-541, DOI: 10.1080/10668926.2013.861374); Alaina Neal-Jackson, “A Meta-Ethnographic Review of the Experiences of African American Girls and Young Women in K–12 Education” (Review of Educational Research 88, no. 4 (2018): 508-546. DOI: 10.3102/0034654318760785 https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.3102/0034654318760785); Monnica T Williams, Ph.D., “Are Racial Microaggressions on College Campuses Harmful?” (Psychology Today, 12 Nov. 2017, https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/culturally-speaking/201711/are-racial-microaggressions-college-campuses-harmful); and Nina Yssel, Natalya Pak, and Jayne Beilke “A Door Must Be Opened: Perceptions of Students with Disabilities in Higher Education” (International Journal of Disability, Development and Education, 63, no. 3 (2016): 384-394. https://doi.org/10.1080/1034912X.2015.1123232).
  71.  Susan Wendell, “Toward a Feminist Theory of Disability” (Hypatia 4, no. 2 (1989)), 112.

Citation

Abby Wilkerson, 08.07.2019

Copyright

PPJ, 08.07.2019

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